IJC H2 HIST P1

9752/01/IJC/AUG18 INNOVA JUNIOR COLLEGE JC 2 PRELIMINARY EXAMINATION in preparation for the General Certificate of Education Advanced Level Higher 2 HISTORY Paper 1 Shaping the International Order (1945-2000) Additional Materials: Writing Paper 9752/01 28 August 2018 3 hours READ THESE INSTRUCTIONS FIRST If you have been given an Answer Booklet, follow the instructions on the front cover of the Booklet. Write your name and class on all the work you hand in. Write in dark blue or black ink on both sides of the paper. You may use a soft pencil for any diagrams, graphs or rough working. Do not use staples, paper clips, highlighters, glue or correction fluid. Section A Answer Question 1. Section B Answer TWO questions. At the end of the examination, answers for Section A and Section B should be fastened separately. Section B should be fastened with a cover page. The number of marks is given in brackets [ ] at the end of each question or part question. You are reminded of the need for good English and clear presentation in your answers. This document consists of 5 printed pages. [Turn over Innova Junior College

2 9752/01/IJC/AUG18 Section A You MUST answer Question 1. THE ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source A The present policy of the American government with regard to the USSR is also directed at limiting or dislodging the influence of the Soviet Union from neighbouring countries. In implementing this policy in former enemy or Allied countries adjacent to the USSR, the United States attempts, at various international conferences or directly in these countries themselves, to support reactionary forces with the purpose of creating obstacles to the process of democratization of these countries. In so doing, it also attempts to secure positions for the penetration of American capital into their economies. Such a policy is intended to weaken and overthrow the democratic governments in power there, which are friendly toward the USSR, and replace them in the future with new governments that would obediently carry out a policy dictated from the United States. In this policy, the United States receives full support from English diplomacy. Excerpts from a telegram sent to the Soviet leadership by Nikolai Novikov, Soviet ambassador to the US, 27 September 1946. Source B Lastly, the aspiration to world supremacy and th e anti-democratic policy of the United States involve an ideological struggle. The principal pu rpose of the ideological part of the American strategic plan is to deceive public opinion by slanderously accusing the Soviet Union and the new democracies of aggressive intentions, and thus representing the Anglo-Saxon bloc in a defensive role and excusing it of responsibility for preparing a new war. In their ideological struggle against the USSR, the American imperialists demonstrate their ignorance by laying primary stress on the allegation that the Soviet Union is undemocratic and totalitarian, while the United States and Great Britain and the whole capitalist world are democratic. On this platform of ideological struggle, on this defense of bourgeois pseudo- democracy and condemnation of Communism as totalitarian, are united all the enemies of the working class without exception, who seize with the greatest eagerness on any slanderous accusations against the USSR suggested to them by their imperialist masters. Andrei Zhdanov, a member of the Soviet Politburo, at the founding of Cominform, 22 September 1947.

3 9752/01/IJC/AUG18 Source C The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments. At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, fr eedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife…The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. From a speech by President Truman to the US Congress, 12 March 1947. Source D Ideology and perceptions mattered inside the Soviet bloc and in the United States much more than most historians had previously assumed. Or to put it another way, while ideology had been viewed by many as simply a convenient ma sk of ‘real’ interests’, one of the tentative conclusions of new Cold War history is that ideology was, in itself, a fundamental ‘interest’. To acknowledge the role of ideologies is not to say that geopolitical, economic or military assessments of the Cold War are irrelevant. Quite the contrary. Without taking into account the geopolitical interests of certain key powers like the Soviet Union in such areas as, say, Eastern Europe, without the relative and real economic power of the United States, and without the advances in military technology (espec ially in the field of nuclear weapons), it is impossible to truly understand the Cold War. At the same time, if one ignores the existence of a deep-seated and evidently irreconcilable ideological conflict, one can hardly understand why, for example, the Soviet determination to protect its geopolitical interests in Eastern Europe would have mattered as much as it did to the United States. From a Norwegian historian writing about the Cold War, 2003. [Turn over

4 9752/01/IJC/AUG18 Source E A cartoon published in an American newspaper, the Washington Post, 26 January 1949. Source F Wherever it is considered timely and promising, efforts will be made to advance the official limits of Soviet power. For the moment, these efforts are restricted to certain neighbouring points conceived of here as being of immediat e strategic necessity, such as Northern Iran, Turkey, possibly Bornholm. However, other points may at any time come into question… Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neither schematic nor adventuristic. It does not work by fixed plans. It does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to the logic of reason, it is highly sensitive to the logic of force. For this reason it can easily withdraw, and usually does, when strong resistance is encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient force and makes clear his readiness to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations are properly handled there need be no prestige engaging showdowns. From the ‘Long Telegram’ by George F. Kennan, deputy US ambassador to the USSR, 22 February 1946. Now answer the following questions: (a) Compare and contrast the evidence provided in Sources A and B on Soviet attitudes toward the United States after 1945. [10] (b) How far do Sources A-F support the view that economic issues led to the Cold War in Europe? [30]

5 9752/01/IJC/AUG18 Section B You must answer two questions from this section. EITHER 2. “Economic liberalisation brought more harm than good to the global economy from 1945 to 2000.” How far do you agree with this view?